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many in India might not have heard of Lex Friedman until now

He is a science, technology and geopolitics podcaster 

But in the US, he is known to be a favourite of the right and is known to be close to Trump and Elon Musk

Let’s quickly sample the kind of questions he asked PM Modi in his much-publicised interview..

Now you get why he was granted the interview

So now the big question: 

Why does Modi steer clear of press conferences?

One big reason could be his need to control the narrative. 

Rather than dealing with unexpected questions from journalists, this is how he likes to get his message across.

Carefully crafted speeches,

Social media posts, 

Celebrity interactions

Sit-down interviews with his ‘kind of’  anchors

Podcasts with influencers

And of course Man ki baat

But press conferences are a whole different ball game. 

They come with the risk of tough, unscripted questions on tricky topics—whether it’s the economy, religious tensions, or government missteps. 

It’s way way harder to filter or control what’s being asked, which means a higher chance of awkward moments or uncomfortable exchanges.

Modi’s media aversion isn’t new. 

Many journalists recall Modi as a media-friendly politician till he became the Gujarat CM. And even after, he was accessible. Modi’s rocky relationship with the press goes back to the 2002 Gujarat riots. 

Reporters who’ve tracked his career say that he frequently held press conferences and even visited the newsrooms till then. 

But he was miffed with the criticism he faced by a section of the media

A veteran editor told me that Modi was especially wary of the English-language media. After the riots, it was the English press that gave space to victims, human rights activists and dissenting voices.

Local papers like Gujarat Samachar and Sandesh were big and influential. But they didn’t offer the same platform to critics. The English media did. And that likely only deepened Modi’s discomfort with the press.

What followed was years of increasing hostility. Open barbs against individual journalists critical of him in press conferences. Visits to newsrooms to ‘set the record straight’ when something uncomfortable was reported. And so on. 

And the animosity continued right from the start of his tenure as PM in 2014. Modi never really made press conferences a thing. By now, avoiding them had just become part of his style. And even hailed by his followers.

Even when Modi traveled on his many many foreign trips, he avoided the media as much as possible. Indian PMs had a tradition of addressing the press on the way back from foreign trips. But Modi did away with these free-wheeling conversations. 

There was one press conference he did attend back in 2019. But there was one small problem. He just sat there, almost like a prop. And refused to take any questions. 

Amit Shah, the home minister did all the talking. So we are not going to count this one.

Modi is really the only Indian Prime Minister to have never held a real press conference. 

Now many of his supporters ask what is the issue with that.

Press conferences are usually open to multiple journalists from different outlets. They can ask spontaneous, tough questions. The leader and their team have less control.

Since they’re often telecast live, there’s less room for coaching or editing. Follow-ups are common, making it harder to dodge uncomfortable topics. 

It’s a public test of transparency, where leaders are expected to tackle a range of issues — even the ones they’d rather avoid.

Sit-down interviews, on the other hand? Those are a whole different game. The journalist is often handpicked by his team. Questions might be pre-approved or agreed upon. The tone is more controlled, and surprises are rare. And if there are any, they can be edited out.

Sure, some interviews can be sharp but without the unpredictability of a press conference.

By opting for these tightly controlled interviews with friendly media figures, Modi sidesteps real scrutiny.

This means there’s almost no setting where he can be held accountable.

And when journalists do get to speak with him, it’s often more of a performance. Sensationalist, hyper-nationalistic coverage takes center stage. Instead of challenging him, they cheer him on.

For the average viewer, it sends a clear message: whatever Modi says is the undeniable truth. Every decision he makes? Unquestionably in the country’s best interest.

This isn’t accidental. 

Modi has made it clear that this is the kind of journalism he prefers.

And many mainstream legacy outlets are more than happy to play along, while independent journalists, like us, who dare to question him face government crackdowns. 

It’s a dangerous pattern for any democracy: propaganda is rewarded, while real journalism is treated as a threat.

In his book senior journalist Rajdeep Sardesai drops an interesting nugget.

Apparently, the Prime Minister’s Office has its very own “in-house TV production team, complete with a camera crew.”

And in an interview with Newslaundry, Rajdeep admitted something that shouldn’t really be surprising — but is still wild to hear out loud.

Arguably the last time Modi gave a raw, unfiltered interview was in 2007

Remember this one?

In a 2007 interview, Karan Thapar questioned Modi about the 2002 Gujarat riots and his lack of regret.

When Thapar brought up the Supreme Court’s comparison of Modi to Nero, THIS happened.

It took just four minutes. 

Thapar later learned that Modi’s team had him watch the clip repeatedly before the 2014 elections. This was part of his media training to avoid similar situations.

Modi has since, almost exclusively, stuck to one-way communication.

A lot of mainstream TV and print news outlets depend on government ads and corporate funding, so they’re careful not to step on any political toes—especially when those toes belong to someone as powerful as Modi.

But the real shift has been in television news, where billionaires with close ties to the government own major networks. 

Mukesh Ambani, India’s richest man, owns the Network18 group, which runs News18 and CNBC. 

And in 2022 Gautam Adani—widely seen as a Modi ally—took over NDTV, which was once one of the few channels that hadn’t fully bent.

At this point, it’s no secret that most major news channels are firmly in line with the government’s narrative.

Media bias isn’t new, but the level of outright cheerleading for Modi is something else. 

That pretty much sums up the state of TV news today—it’s less about holding power accountable and more about applauding it.

The mainstream media has also blatantly ignored some of the biggest scandals of Modi’s tenure. 

When Hindenburg Research accused the Adani Group of pulling off “the largest con in corporate history” did TV news dig into Adani’s ties with the government? 

Nope. Instead, anchors rushed to defend him. 

Aaj Tak’s Sudhir Chaudhary even suggested, “Could this be a conspiracy whose target is not Adani but Prime Minister Narendra Modi?”

Another example is the massive electoral bonds scam.

In March 2024, India’s Election Commission released data confirming what many had long suspected. 

The Modi government’s controversial scheme that allowed anonymous corporate donations to political parties—overwhelmingly benefited the BJP. 

But let me remind you. The News Minute doesn’t hesitate to hold those in power accountable.

Along with Newslaundry, Scroll, and a team of independent journalists, we launched Project Electoral Bond

Our investigations uncovered some huge stories

If you want to read these reports yourself, you can find the link in the description below.

But of course, if you were watching primetime news, you would have barely heard a word about this.

And unfortunately, that’s the pattern with mainstream media. 

It’s not just about spinning the narrative; there’s also direct action against critical journalists. 

Since Modi came to power, at least 36 journalists have been arrested, some under harsh anti-terrorism laws like the UAPA. 

Independent media organisations have faced raids. 

Foreign journalists aren’t immune either. 

Even the BBC wasn’t spared—their India offices were raided after they released a documentary scrutinising Modi’s role in the 2002 Gujarat violence.

Between media silence and government crackdowns, it’s getting harder and harder for independent journalism to survive in India.

What’s even more troubling is how this mindset has spread to the public. 

Journalists increasingly face backlash for simply doing their jobs, often being labeled “anti-national.” 

In Modi’s second and third term, this escalated into actual violence—reporters covering communal issues were threatened and, in some cases, even physically attacked by mobs.

Modi likes to say he welcomes criticism—but in reality, he’s spent the last decade doing the exact opposite.

What is especially alarming is how little pushback there has been. 

In any functioning democracy with a strong press, issues like the Manipur conflict, the India-China border standoff, and the electoral bonds scandal would dominate national elections.

But when most journalists aren’t holding power to account, there’s little chance these issues will even register with voters. 

And that’s exactly the way Modi wants it.

This week, we are launching our Deep Reporting Project on the The Spirituality Industry

And the first in the series takes a close look at the cultural and religious shift underway in Auroville and the allegations of BJP turning it into a federal enclave. 

For suggestions and feedbacks write to pooja@thenewsminute.com

Produced by Megha Mukundan, edited by Nikhil Sekhar, research and script by Lakshmi Priya 

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